STRATEGY FOR PEACE WORKERS

Pritam K. Rohila, Ph.D.

Relative calm has prevailed along international borders in 2007. But within nations things did not go well this year.

Forces of extremism, hate, and violence seem to have gained strength in many parts of the world. Communal strife, alienation of minorities, forced dislocation of people, human right violations, disregard for international conventions, and the rule of law, and in some cases even political assassinations, have characterized developments in many parts of the world.

But supporters of secularism, peace, harmony, and civil society seem demoralized and disorganized.

It appears that as activists, we need to change our strategy. Perhaps we should focus more of our efforts closer to where we live and work than at faraway places.

We could start by cleansing our minds of our prejudices. We should learn to respect and love individuals in our homes and extended families regardless of their age or gender. We should teach our children to value the rights of others, and to resolve their disagreements by negotiation and compromise instead of threats of force or violence.

After creating small oases of peace and harmony around us, we can extend our efforts to the larger communities around us. Gradually, by example and persuasion, we can thus help transform our neighborhoods, villages and towns into communities of amity, reconciliation and concord.

To accomplish this we will need to learn to view and treat others with a vision that unites rather than divides people of all caste, tribal, sectarian, religious, language and regional identities.

On Apostasy and Islam

" ... Let there be no compulsion in religion: Truth stands out clear
from Error ..." [2:256]

This is Islam's unambiguous affirmation of freedom of faith, which also
applies to changing of faith. The Qur'an illuminates before the humanity
the two high! ways [90 :10], one of which leads to salvation. Islam is
an invitation to the highway toward salvation, but it is based on
FREEDOM OF CHOICE.

On Apostasy and Islam:
100+ Notable Islamic Voices affirming the Freedom of Faith

Dr. Mohammad Omar Farooq
Upper Iowa University

April 2, 2007 [Compilation in Progress; farooqm59@yahoo.com]

"As presented in excerpts from numerous sources, and links to works
available online, there is no worldly punishment solely for apostasy
[i.e., changing of one's faith/religion] mentioned in the Qur'an."

Freedom of faith is essential to Islam. Prophets and Messengers of Allah
along with their communities had to struggle for their freedom of faith.
That Islam is by choice is unambiguously stated in the Qur'an and
reflected in the Prophetic legacy. However, throughout history, the
issue has been clouded due to mixing the issue of apostasy with treason.
Now one of the biggest tools of anti-Islam/anti-Muslim propaganda is
based on the issue of apostasy, claiming that Islam does not uphold the
freedom of faith. Even our own children are getting confused and many
are quietly disavowing our wishy-washy position on as fundamental issue
as freedom of faith/religion.

Undeniably, the traditional position of Muslim scholars and jurists has
been that apostasy [riddah] is punishable by death. The longstanding
problem of the traditional position, as held by Classical jurists or
scholars, can be explained and excused as not being able to see
apostasy, an issue of pure freedom of faith and conscience, separate
from treason against the community or the state. However, the
accummulated experience over the history in terms of abuse of this
position about apostasy even against Muslims as well as the changed
context of a globally-connected, pluralistic society should help us
appreciate the contemporary challenges in light of the Qur'anic norms
and the Prophetic legacy. In this context, while the classical
misunderstanding about this issue of apostasy is excusable, the position
of some of the well-known contemporary scholars is not.

Sayyid Abul A'la Maududi (commonly known as Maulana Maududi), the late
founder and leader of Jamaat-e-Islami and a leading independent,
revivalist Islamic personality of 20th century, is frequently referred
to for his ardent argument for capital punishment for apostasy. He
argued that there is an broad agreement of the leading jurists on this
issue. He claims:

"To copy the consecutive writings of all the lawyers from the first to
the fourteenth century A.H. would make our discussion very long. Yet we
cannot avoid mentioning that however much the four Schools of Law may
differ among themselves regarding the various aspects of this problem,
in any case all four Schools without doubt agree on the point that the
punishment of the apostate is execution." [The Punishment of the
Apostate According to Islamic Law]
Such a sweeping claim s misplaced because the alleged agreement is about
apostasy-cum-treason, not about solely apostasy. Furthermore, any claim
of consensus (ijma) on almost anything should be taken with a great deal
of circumspection. [see The Doctrine of Ijma: Is there a consensus?]

Another well-known Muslim scholar and jurist of our time, whom I also
generally hold in high regard, is Dr. Yusuf al-Qaradawi. He asserts:
"The duty of the Muslim community ? in order to preserve its identity
? is to combat apostasy in all its forms and wherefrom it comes,
giving it no chance to pervade in the Muslim world." Similar to Maulana
Maududi, he also claims ijma on this: "That is why the Muslim jurists
are unanimous that apostates must be punished. ... apostasy is a
criminal act." [Apostasy! : Major and Minor]

Dr. Al-Qaradawi also fails to separate apostasy from treason. It is
unfortunate that such scholars of high repute have shown such serious
lapse in recognizing that, as Dr. Irfan Ahmad Khan, a scholar and
Qur'anic exegete, argues: "Freedom of faith and religion is meaningless
without the freedom to change one's faith."

Then, also there are scholars, even in the USA, who are either
wishy-washy or ambivalent in regard to their positions. Some are too
much beholden to the traditional views held in the past, right or wrong.
Views and positions of scholars and leaders, such as Maududi and
al-Qaradawi, not only provide powerful ammunition for propaganda against
Islam and Muslims, but also confound the mind of our own community,
including our youth, whose discerning mind sees through the
double-standard or self-contraditiction quite transparently.

While many contemporary Muslim scholars have expressed their views
affirming the freedom of faith, the collective voice of Muslims is still
feeble and little known. In this write-up we have collated opinions and
positions of various Muslim scholars, academics, intellectuals, imams,
professionals, community leaders and others on this issue. Even young
students are voicing against the double-standard that contradicts the
Islamic values and principles.

These voices, representing a broad spectrum of Muslim community/ummah,
are tipping the scale of the discourse on this issue in favor of
affirming and upholding the pristine Islamic principle about freedom of
faith. It also debunks the claim of unanimity (ijma), which was not
quite true in the past, and it is even less true in the present.

Some additional explanatory notes: (a) Views of some of the early
scholars might not be categorical or without variant reports. However,
the excerpts included can be basis for identifying them as the
precursors of the contemporary views on this issue. (b) There are (or
have been) many scholars, early and contemporary, who hold that in case
of apostasy capital punishment is not warranted, but have sanctioned or
kept open the possibility of other punishments. There views have not
been included here. (c) There are also scholars who belive that
punishment of apostasy is not hadd (mandatory, specified punishment
based on the Qur'an or sunnah), but it is subject to ta'zir
[discretionary punishment, determined by the proper Islamic judicial
system]. In this collection, there views have not been included either....

Mohammad Omar Farooq

Urgent call for Non-Violence and Democracy in Kenya

There is much information about electoral fraud during the recent election in Kenya, which has lead to violent outbreaks all over the country. According to the chief European Union election monitor, Alexander Lambsdorff, there are serious doubts over the regularity of the election and the counting of votes.

Up to now, at least 124 people have been killed during outbreaks of violence. The media report that in the Kisumu morgue alone there are 46 dead bodies with gunshot wounds and all over the country there is information of police brutality. Independent TV and radio stations have been shut down by the government.

We call on the Kenyan government and President Kibaki to immediately end the violent repression against their own people and to order the armed forces to withdraw from the streets.

To calm the situation down, the best way is to announce and guarantee free and fair new elections with the presence of international observers. Only such an election can bring democratic legitimacy to the new Government of President Kibaki. Moreover, we call on the Kenyan Government to assure the freedom of Press and to respect the basic human rights of Kenyans.

At the same time, we also make an urgent call for the leader of the Opposition, Mr. Odinga, to act in favour of all Kenyan people and to address his followers, calling on them to immediately stop the violence. Without doubt, the followers will listen to their leader. Therefore we urge you, Mr. Odinga, to act responsibly, as a real leader of nonviolence! Lead your people to the path of nonviolence and reconciliation, and not to the path of hatred and violence. Great examples like Martin Luther King and Mahatma Gandhi showed to the whole of mankind the moral force of Nonviolence—fighting in a nonviolent way against discrimination and injustice. And we hope that you might find inspiration in their examples. Fight for your people’s democratic rights in a nonviolent way! We assure you of our moral support and that the Humanist International will bring all possible pressure to bear on the Kenyan Government to repeat the elections, assuring its correct development.

And to all Kenyans we make an urgent call to immediately stop the violence and to fight for your rights in a nonviolent and peaceful way.

Bangladesh - Waterworld

January/February 2008 - Atlantic Monthly
Bangladesh - Waterworld
by Robert D. Kaplan

With rising Islamic fundamentalism, weak government, and not enough dry
land for its 150 million people, Bangladesh could use a break. Instead,
it must face the catastrophic threat of climate change.

Robert D. Kaplan, an Atlantic national correspondent, is the Class of
1960 Distinguished Visiting Professor in National Security at the U.S.
Naval Academy. His latest book is Hog Pilots, Blue Water Grunt: The
American Military in the Air, at Sea, and on the Ground.

The monsoon arrived while I was in a shallow-draft boat traveling over a
village that was now underwater. In its place was a mile-wide channel,
created by erosion over the years, separating the mainland of Bangladesh
from a char - a temporary delta island that would someday dissolve just
as easily as it had formed.

As ink-dark, vertical cloud formations slid in from the Bay of Bengal,
waves began slapping hard against the rotting wood of our small boat.
Breaking days of dense, soupy heat, rain fell like nails upon us. We
started bailing. The boatman, my translator, and I made it to the char
before the channel water that was splashing into the hull, heavy with
silt, could threaten the boat’s buoyancy. It was a lot of work just to
see something that was no longer there.

On another day, in order to see a series of dam collapses that had
forced the evacuation of more than a dozen villages, I rode on the back
of a motorcycle along a maze of embankments framing a checkerwork of
paddy fields that glinted in the steamy rain. Again, the sight that
greeted me - a few crumbled earthen dams - was not dramatic, unless,
that is, you were holding the (before) picture in front of you.

Yet from one end of Bangladesh to the other, I saw plenty of drama,
encapsulated in this singular fact: remoteness and fragility of terrain
never once corresponded with a paucity of humanity. Even on the chars, I
could not get away from people cultivating every inch of alluvial soil.
Human beings were everywhere on this dirty wet sponge of a landscape.
Squeezed into an Iowa-sized territory - 20 to 60 percent of which floods
every year -”is a population half the size of that in the United States
and larger than the one in Russia. Indeed, Bangladesh’s Muslim
population alone (83 percent of the total) is nearly twice that of
either Egypt or Iran. Considered small only because it is surrounded on
three sides by India, Ban-gla-desh is actually a vast aquascape, where
getting around by boat and vehicle, as I learned, can take many days.

I went through towns that had a formal reality as names on a map, but
were little more than rashes of rusted-corrugated-iron and bamboo stalls
under canopies of jackfruit trees, teeming with men wearing skirt-like
lungis and baseball caps and women in burkas that concealed all but
their eyes and noses. Between the towns were long lines of water-filled
pits, topped with a green froth of hyacinths; the soil had been removed
to raise the road a few feet above the unrelieved sea-level flatness.
Soil is a commodity so precious in Bangladesh that people dredge
riverbeds during the dry season to get more of it. When houses are
dismantled, the ground on which they stand is transported through slurry
pipes to the new location.

In every respect, people were squeezing the last bit of use out of the
land. One day I saw a man carried by on a stretcher moments after he had
been mauled by a Royal Bengal tiger. It is not an uncommon occurrence.
As fishing communities crowd in on one of the tigers’ last refuges in
the mangrove swamps of the western Bangladeshi-Indian border area, and
as salinity from rising sea levels reduces the deer population on which
the tigers feed, man and tiger have nowhere else to go.

The Earth has always been unstable. Flooding and erosion, cyclones and
tsunamis are the norm rather than the exception. But never have the
planet’s most environmentally frail areas been so crowded. The slowdown
in the growth rate of the world’s population has not changed the fact
that the number of people living in the countries most vulnerable to
natural disasters continues to increase. The Indian Ocean tsunami of
December 2004 was merely a curtain-raiser. Over the coming decades,
Mother Nature is likely to kill or make homeless a staggering number of
people.

American journalists sometimes joke that, in terms of news, thousands of
people displaced by floods in Bangladesh equals a handful of people
killed or displaced closer to home. But that formula is now as
unimaginative and out-of-date as it is cruel.

With 150 million people packed together at sea level, Bangladesh is
vulnerable to the slightest climatic variation, never mind the changes
caused by global warming. The partial melting of Greenland ice over the
course of the 21st century could inundate a substantial amount of
Bangladesh with salt water. A 20-centimetre rise in the Bay of Bengal by
2030 could be devastating to more than 10 million people, says Atiq
Rahman, executive director of the Bangladesh Centre for Advanced Studies.

While scholars debate the odds of such scenarios, one thing is certain:
Bangladesh is the most likely spot on the planet for one of the greatest
humanitarian catastrophes in history. The country’s future, however, and
the fate of its impoverished millions, will be determined not
necessarily by rising sea levels, but by their interaction with, among
other things, the growth of religious fundamentalism, the behaviour of
its neighbours and other outside powers, and the evolution of democracy.
So, I came to Bangladesh.

Atop the Bay of Bengal, the numberless braids of the Ganges,
Brahmaputra, and Meghna rives have formed the world’s largest, youngest
estuarine delta and one of its most dynamic. It is, in effect, the
world’s biggest flush toilet. Once a year, over the space of four
months, God yanks the handle. First comes the snowmelt in the Himalayas,
swelling the three great rivers. Then, in June, comes the monsoon from
the south, up from the Bay of Bengal.

Calamity threatens when the amount of water arriving by river, sea, or
sky is tampered with, whether by God or by humans. India, for example,
is appropriating Ganges water for irrigation schemes, limiting
freshwater flows into Bangladesh from the north, causing drought.
Meanwhile, to the south, in the Bay of Bengal, global warming appears to
be causing a rise in sea levels that is bringing salt water and
sea-based cyclones farther inland. Salinity - the face of global warming
in Bangladesh - threatens trees and crops and contaminates wells. And
the less fresh river water that comes down from India, the greater the
hydrologic vacuum that sucks salt water northward into the countryside.

Yet Bangladesh is less interesting as a hydrologic horror show than as a
model of how humankind copes with an extreme natural environment.
Weather and geography have historically worked here to cut one village
off from another. Central government arrived only with the Turkic Moguls
in the 16th century, but neither they nor their British successors truly
penetrated the countryside. The major roads were all built after
independence in 1971. This is a society that never waited for a higher
authority to provide it with anything. The isolation effected by
floodwaters and monsoon rains has encouraged institutions to develop at
the local level. As a result, the political culture of rural Bangladesh
is more communal than hierarchical, and women play a significant role.

Four hours drive northwest of Dhaka, the capital, I found a village in a
Muslim-Hindu area where the women had organized themselves into separate
committees to produce baskets and textiles and invest the profits in new
wells and latrines. They had it all figured out, showing me on a crude
cardboard map where the new facilities would be installed. They received
help from a local nongovernmental organization that, in turn, had a
relationship with CARE. But the organizational heft was homegrown.

In a mangrove swamp in the southwest, at a fishing village of
bamboo-thatched huts, I watched a local NGO perform a play about climate
change. It emphasized the need to conserve rainwater through catchments
and to plant trees against erosion. Hundreds of villagers were there. I
was the only foreigner. Afterward, they showed me the catchments that
they had already built to direct rainwater into their wells.

Through similar bottom-up, purely voluntary means, the total fertility
rate in Bangladesh has been cut from seven children born per woman after
independence to three now - a striking achievement, given the value
placed on children as laborers in a traditional agricultural society.
Polio had been eradicated, before a recent reinfection from India.
Despite all of Bangladesh’s predicaments, it has gone from starving in
the mid-1970s to feeding itself for the past two decades.

The credit for coping so well rests ultimately with NGOs. As familiar as
their work now is, NGOs in Bangladesh represent a whole new
organizational life-form; thousands of them fill the void between
village committees and a remote, badly functioning central government.

Of course, this enhanced role raises ethical questions, not least
because many of these Bangladeshi humanitarian enterprises have
for-profit elements. Take Mhammad Yunus, who, along with his Grameen
Bank, won the 2006 Nobel Peace Prize for pioneering micro-credit schemes
for poor women: Grameen also operates a cell-phone and Internet service.
Then there is the Bangladesh Rural Advancement Committee, which, besides
doing bounteous relief and development work, operates dairy, poultry,
and clothing businesses. Its head offices, like those of Grameen, are in
a skyscraper that is some of Dhaka’s most expensive real estate. Yet to
focus on the impurities of these NGOs is to ignore their transformative
powers.

”One thing led to another,” explains Mushtaque Chowdhury, BRAC’s deputy
executive director. “In order not to be dependent on Western charities,
we set up our own for-profit printing press in the 1970s. Then we built
a plant to pasteurize milk from the cattle bought by poor women with the
loans we had provided them.” Now they’ve become a kind of parallel
government, with a presence in 60,000 villages.

Just as cell phones have allowed developing countries to make an end run
around the need for a hard-wired communications grid, Bangladesh shows
how NGOs can make an end run around dysfunctional governments. Because
Bangladeshi NGOs are supported by international donors, they have been
indoctrinated with international norms to an extent unmatched by the
private sector here.

The linkage between a global community on one hand and a village
community on the other has made Bangladeshi NGOs intensely aware of the
worldwide significance of their country’s environmental plight. “Come,
come, I will show you the climate change,” said Mohon Mondal, a local
NGO worker in the southwest, referring to a bridge that had partially
collapsed because of rising seawater. To some degree, this awareness
feeds a mind-set in which every eroded embankment becomes an indictment
against the United States for walking away from the Kyoto accords.
(Muslim Bangladeshis are in almost every other way pro-American - the
upshot of their historical dislike for their former colonial master,
Great Britain; frequent intimidation by nearby India and China; and
lingering hostility toward Pakistan stemming from the 1971 war for
liberation.) But regardless of the merits of this case, the United
States can’t just defend its own position. As the world’s greatest
power, the U.S. must be seen to take the lead against global warming, or
suffer the fate of being blamed for it. Bangladesh demonstrates how
developing-world misery has acquired - in the form of climate change - a
powerful new argument, tied to the more fundamental outcry for justice
and dignity.

NGOs would not have such influence in Bangladeshi villages without the
country’s moderate, syncretic form of Islam. Islam did not arrive in
Bengal until the end of the 12th century, when Muslim invaders brought
it from the northwest. It is but one element of Bangladesh’s rich,
heavily Hindu-ized cultural stew. In Muslim Bengali villages, matbors
(village leaders) can be weaker than the sheikhs in Arab villages. And
below these figureheads, women -whose committee mentality has been both
receptive to and empowered by Westernized relief workers - can play a
great role.

But this low-calorie version of Islam is giving way to a stark and
assertive Wahhabist strain. A poor country that can’t say no to money,
with an unregulated, shattered coast of islands and inlets, Bangladesh
has become a perfect setup for al-Qaeda affiliates, which, like
Westernized NGOs, are filling needs unmet by a weak central government.
Islamist orphanages, madrasas, and cyclone shelters are mushrooming
throughout the country, thanks in part to donations from Saudi Arabia as
well as from Bangladeshi workers returning home from the oil-rich
Arabian Peninsula.

A decade ago, women in Dhaka and in the port city of Chittagong wore
jeans and T-shirts, but more and more they cloak themselves in burkas.
Madrasas now outnumber secondary schools, according to Anupam Sen, the
vice chancellor of a new private university in Chittagong, who also told
me that a new class of society is emerging that is “globally Islamic”
rather than “especifically Bengali”.

Here is how global warming indirectly feeds Islamic extremism. As rural
Bangladeshis flee a countryside ravaged by salinity in the south and
drought in the northwest, they are migrating to cities at a rate of 3 to
4 percent a year. Swept into the vast anonymity of sprawling slum
encampments, they lose their local and extended-family links, becoming
more susceptible to a form of Islam with a sharper ideological edge. “We
will not have anarchy at the village level, where society is healthy,”
warns Atiq Rahman. “But we can have it in the ever-enlarging urban
areas.” Such is the weakness of central authority in Bangladesh
following 15 years of elected governments.

Bangladesh perfectly illustrates the perils of democracy in the
developing world. That is because it is not a spectacular failure like
Iraq, but one typical of those developing countries that officially
subscribe to democracy and pay lip service to liberalism: here,
civil-society intellectuals play almost no role in the political
process, the army is trusted more than any of the political parties, and
everybody - at least everybody I met - dreads elections, which they fear
will lead to gang violence. “We have the best constitution, the best
laws, but no one obeys them,” lamented one businessman. “The best form
of government for a country like ours,” he went on, “is a military
regime in its first year of power. After that, the military fails, too.”

The military has become the power behind a caretaker civilian government
since the autumn of 2006, when the political system appeared on the
brink of chaos, with strikes, demonstrations, a spate of killings, and a
stagnant economy. The ruling Bangladesh National Party was in the
process of fixing the upcoming election, and the opposition Awami League
was planning a series of attacks by armed gangs in return. Up to that
point, elections had essentially been contests between these two feudal
dynasties: the Awami League, headed by Sheikh Hasina Wazed, the daughter
of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, one of Bangladesh’s founding fathers who was
assassinated in a military coup in 1975; and the Bangladesh Nationalist
Party, headed by Khaleda Zia, the widow of another of the country’s
founders, General Ziaur Rahman, who was assassinated in another coup in
1981. The animosity between the two women harks back to their feud over
whose family played a greater role in the country’s independence
struggle, as well as to the pardon Zia’s late husband gave to the
killers of Hasina Wazed’s father.

Because each party is too weak to rule on its own, each has sought
alliances with various Islamic groups and turned a blind eye to al-Qaeda
affiliates such as Jemaah Islamiyah, which has reportedly used
Bangladesh as a transit point and training base. Last March, when the
military-backed caretaker government hanged six militants from the
Jama’atul-Mujahideen - another local Islamist group responsible for
hundreds of terrorist attacks from 2003 through 2005 - the conventional
wisdom had it that neither party could have carried out the sentence,
compromised as each was by its Islamist coalition partners. In the eerie
calm of the present moment, with the country more orderly than it has
been in years - with no terrorist attacks, no strikes at the ports, army
checkpoints everywhere, hundreds of politicians arrested on charges of
corruption, and technocrats getting promoted over party hacks - nobody I
met wanted a return to the old two-party system, even though no one
wanted the military to continue playing such an overt role in the
nation’ affairs.

For now, the fear that radical Islam will take advantage of a political
void keeps the military from returning to the barracks. “But in the long
run, we are hostages to democracy,” Mahmudul Islam Chowdhury, a former
mayor of Chittagong, told me. “Your Westminster - Capitol Hill system
won’t work here. But we’re poor and need aid, and so are required to
hold elections.” Democracy works in India, Chowdhury explained, because
there are so many states and cities where different political parties
dominate, so that state and municipal governments thrive alongside the
federal one in a multitiered system. But in Bangladesh, the central
government finds it hard to risk an opposition party gaining control of
one of the two big cities or some of the smaller ones; all power is
hoarded in Dhaka. The result is a gap that village committees have
filled at the bottom level of government, and NGOs and Islamists are
vying to fill in the vast and crucial middle ground.

Barisal, a major river port in southern Bangladesh, offers a case study
of the costs of that vacuum: a middle-sized city that reeks of garbage
and raw sewage, because treatment plants are inadequate and canals have
dried up, and because unauthorized high-rises have brought ever more
people into the urban core. Ahmed Kaisea, the district environmental
director, was another official who told me, “The laws are just fine.
There is just no enforcement.” I had walked in on him without an
appointment. He did not seem busy. His phone never rang, and there was
no evidence of a computer. With electricity cuts throughout the day, use
of the Internet is severely limited in Barisal, as in other Bangladeshi
cities. He was like many a bureaucrat I encountered, with a spacious
office but little effective power. And as his city sprawls around him,
its growth driven in large part by rural migrants escaping the
flood-ravaged countryside, his job becomes harder still.

For the many rural newcomers to Bangladesh’s cities, there is the
rickshaw economy, as much an animating force in urban areas as the
search for usable soil is in villages. Dhaka alone, a city of more than
10 million people, has several hundred thousand bicycle rickshaws. A
rickshaw driver generally pays a rickshaw mustan (a mafia-style gang,
often associated with a political party) the equivalent of $1.35 a day
to rent the rickshaw. He collects 30 cents from an average passenger and
ends up making around a dollar a day in profit. His wife may earn a
similar amount breaking bricks into road material, while their children
sift through garbage. In a country where 70 percent of the people
subsist on less than $2 per day, such is the lot of a typical
Bangladeshi family. This economic environment is perfect for the growth
of radical Islam, which offers answers and spiritual rewards for
suffering that a conviction in voting periodically cannot match. The
surprise is not how radical Bangladesh (and much of the developing
world) is, but how moderate it remains.

The social cohesion that does exist on the national level is the result
of linguistic nationalism, not democracy. Unlike Pakistan or Iraq, this
is an ethnically homogeneous country, and Islam is not the glue that
holds together disparate groups. Moreover, national identity has been
built on a shared history of violent struggle. In 1947, Muslim Bengalis
rose up against the British and against India to form East Pakistan.
Next came the 1971 liberation war against Muslim West Pakistan, which
led to widespread rape and executions committed in Dhaka by a West
Pakistani military hell-bent on imposing its Urdu language on the
Bengalis. From East Pakistan - the “Land of the [Muslim] Pure” - the
country became Bangladesh, the “Land of the Bengals”. Language had
replaced religion as the society’s organizing principle.

But that principle is not inviolable. India, because it occupies most of
the subcontinent - between the Himalayas and the Indian Ocean - enjoys a
demonstrable geographic logic; not so Bangladesh. Yet as small as
Bangladesh is, it is vast in its own right. “Whoever comes to power in
Dhaka - democratic, military -neglects us in Chittagong,” Emdadul Islam,
a local lawyer, complained to me, voicing a sentiment common in the
southeastern port city. “We have our own Chittagongian dialect - a
mixture of Portuguese, Arakanese, Burmese, Bengali, and so on.
Historically, we are as linked to parts of Burma and India as we are to
the rest of Bangladesh. Who knows what will happen when Burma one day
opens up and we have new road and rail links with India and southwestern
China? Give me my fundamental rights and dignity, and I’ll love this
soil. If not, I don’t know.” He was not calling for secession. But he
was indicating how this artificial blotch of territory on the Indian
subcontinent - called in turn Bengal, East Bengal, East Pakistan, and
Bangladesh - could metamorphose yet again, amid the gale forces of
regional politics, religious extremism, and nature itself.

India and China are nervously watching Bangladesh, for it holds the key
to the reestablishment of a long-dormant historical trade route between
the two rising behemoths of the 21st century. This route, as the
Chittagong lawyer indicated, would pass through Burma and eastern India,
before traversing Bangladesh on the way to Kolkata, helping to give
China’s landlocked southwest its long-sought access to the Bay of Bengal
and the Indian Ocean. Whether this happens may hinge on the relationship
between the environment and politics in Dhaka. A stable Bangladesh is
necessary for this trade route, even though the route may lead, in time,
to a weakening of national identity.

Toward the end of my stay in Bangladesh, I was in a bus traveling north
from Cox’s Bazar in the southeast of the country, near the Indian and
Burmese borders, to Chittagong, plowing through one recently formed
swamp after another. It was only a week into the monsoon: there’d been
no cyclone, no tropical storm, just normal heavy rains and mudslides
that had killed more than 120 people in 48 hours. Along the sides of the
raised road on which the bus traveled, the tea-colored water reached up
to the bottom of corrugated-iron roofs. In other places, men gripped
their lungis in waist-deep water. Whole trees were being swept
downstream as rivers flowed only a foot or two under bridges. On these
bridges, hordes of young men had gathered with ropes, fishing for
firewood as it passed beneath. High mounds of wood were piled up,
waiting to dry. Even heavier rains would come in July and August.

Society coped as well as it could, often ingeniously. A cascade of
cell-phone text messages told of danger ahead. Signal flags had been set
up on beaches to forewarn of incoming water. Disaster supplies had been
pre-positioned in places as part of an increasingly sophisticated
early-warning system. The Bangladeshi army and navy were available in
case of major catastrophe. Otherwise, in many ways, it was up to the
villages and the NGOs to deal with the natural world.